The third and final presidential debate – covering foreign policy—falls on the fiftieth anniversary of President John F. Kennedy’s address to the nation announcing the presence of bases in Cuba for Soviet offensive nuclear weapons.
Historic coincidence or irony?
The 13 days in October 1962 we call the Cuban Missile Crisis is considered one of modern history’s most dangerous episodes, the time we were closer to nuclear war than we have ever been.
With Iran’s nuclear ambitions certain to be front and center in Monday’s debate and high on the list of foreign policy issues the next president will face, Obama and Romney should be asked to discuss what lessons they glean from the missile crisis and how they would apply them to the Iranian situation.
The responses of Romney and his running mate Congressman Paul Ryan in previous debates to foreign policy questions indicate they are either ill-informed about the missile crisis or have learned the wrong lessons.
It took many decades after October 1962 before government documents were declassified, Kennedy’s own secret White House recordings were released, and his brother Robert’s private notes were made public, all making crystal clear that back-channel diplomacy and compromise led to peaceful resolution of the Crisis.
Much of the long-held conventional wisdom about the missile crisis—including the belief that Kennedy’s vow to bomb Cuban missile sites forced the Soviets to back down – have been thoroughly debunked.
Under the compromise that ended the crisis, President Kennedy agreed not to invade Cuba and to remove nuclear weapons from Turkey if the Soviets would remove nuclear weapons from Cuba.
Kennedy resisted pressure from his hawkish cabinet and national security advisors that he cede nothing to Moscow and consider a pre-emptive strike, which very likely would have triggered a nuclear war.
Yet, hard-liners, foremost among them GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney and his neo-con foreign policy advisors, cling to the belief that taking a tough inflexible stand or military intervention are the only ways to resolve Cuban Missile Crisis-like confrontations.
President George W. Bush, advised by many of the same neo-con foreign policy experts, cited the missile crisis as a historic lesson in fortitude to justify a preemptive invasion of Iraq.
The myth of the Cuban Missile Crisis, that being tough is the only way to resolve crises, colors our current debate about Iran’s apparent drive to acquire nuclear weapons. In September, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called on President Obama to place a “clear red line” before Iran just as “President Kennedy set a red line during the Cuban Missile Crisis.”
Harvard professor Graham Allison, author of the groundbreaking study of governmental decision-making “Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis,” describes Iran as a Cuban Missile Crisis in slow motion.
He says that the main lesson of the missile crisis is that we have to avert crises that lead to confrontations in which an adversary has to choose between humiliating retreat and war.
If we follow the lead of under-no-circumstances-allow-the-Iranians-to-cross-my-red-line Netanyahu, as Mitt Romney would as president, the Iranians would have no way to save face leaving the president, whoever he might be, with the option of either attacking Iran to prevent it acquiring nuclear weapons or acquiescing in Iran acquiring a nuclear weapon.
The consequences of either are pretty ugly; a likely war in the Middle East and all of its unintended consequences, or a nuclear Iran, which will likely trigger other states in the region like Saudi Arabia to acquire nuclear weapons.
Clearly, a President Obama or President Romney would better serve the global community by searching for a third option.
A good first step would be to understand that countries feeling threatened act to defend themselves.
Just as Castro rightfully feared a U.S. invasion (ergo Bay of Pigs) and encouraged the Soviets to install nuclear weapons, it could be argued that the Iranians desire to acquire nuclear weapons—or at least the capability to build them quickly – stems in part from their fear of the U.S.; a not irrational fear given our history of meddling in the country’s internal affairs, including support for the 1953 military coup that overthrew a parliamentary regime and installed the Shah.
Just as the Soviet Union was a closed society making it almost impossible for us to know with certainty what motivated their actions and how far they might go, so too is Iran.
A resolution of the current stalemate with Iran would have to involve negotiations at the highest levels and a willingness on the part of the U.S. and Israel to accept a less than perfect solution.
With the Iranian economy in a freefall thanks in large part to sanctions pushed by Obama, next year might be the time to secure a compromise that allows the Iranians to save face. That compromise would probably allow the Iranians to continue to enrich uranium to the levels needed for civilian purposes, such as energy production.
If Romney is elected would he have the guts to stand up to Netanyahu who would oppose any compromise with Iran? Even more critical would Romney have the guts to stand up Netanyahu’s obsessive desire to bomb Iran even against the U.S. interests?
The Cuban Missile Crisis is widely thought to be Kennedy’s finest hour. Will some future event diffusing America’s and Israel’s confrontation with Iran be hailed as Obama’s or (less likely) Romney’s finest hour?
Let’s hope so.







Gambling: The Economic Cure for What Ails America?
Every year nearly 300 million of us play the lottery, bet on the Super Bowl, March Madness or other sporting events, visit one of country’s approximately thousand casinos, or play online poker.
All told, Americans bet nearly $500 billion and lost nearly $100 billion in 2011.
In their frantic search for money to plug budget shortfalls, governors and state legislators have been more than happy to make it easier and legal for us to lighten our wallets or pocketbooks. They also see casinos as easy way to create jobs, not something to be sneezed at with unemployment hovering around 8 percent, even if many of the jobs barely pay minimum wage.
Gambling is now legal in some form in every state except Hawaii and Utah. Casino gambling, once limited to Las Vegas and Atlantic City, can be found in 36 states including culturally conservative Iowa and Alabama.
The sharp rise in the number of bricks-and- mortar gambling venues has been fed in large part by competition between the states. The more states that legalize gambling of this sort, the more the politicians in nearby states that haven’t done so feel compelled to regain what they consider rightfully theirs; the gambling losses of their residents.
The gambling industry has been one of the few sectors of the economy that has expanded since the Great Recession’s onset in late 2008. Several states, including Massachusetts and Maryland, legalized casino gambling and a couple more, including Arkansas, launched lotteries.
Many more states, including New York, Florida and Ohio, now permit race tracks to have slot machines and in some cases table games such as blackjack and roulette as well.
Politicians say they’ve aggressively pushed to expand gambling to fund activities that help the elderly and their middle- and lower-income constituents such as health care and education. Yet, it is a bit like robbing Peter to pay Paul since the vast majority of money raised comes from the pockets of the very people gambling is supposed to help.
Three prime examples: Democratic governors in New York, Massachusetts and Maryland have been pushing casino gambling in their states even though they are fully aware that it is likely to hurt the constituents they were elected to protect.
The casino industry has been able to sink its teeth into the necks of residents in the three heavily Democratic states thanks to lobbying that has exceeded $60 million the last five years.
Massachusetts politicians alone took in more than $11 million. Just down the road, The New York Times reported this summer that a group closely aligned with Governor Andrew Cuomo received $2 million from gambling interests as he was developing plans to expand casino gambling in the state. All told, racetrack casinos and other gambling interests have spent nearly $50 million on lobbying and campaign contributions in New York since 2005.
It’s easier for governors and state legislators, even Democrats, to raise revenue by legalizing or expanding what they depict as “harmless” – namely gambling – than to resist large campaign donations from lobbyists or raise taxes on the wealthy, the other group politicians depend on for campaign cash.
Making gambling more accessible does more than drive up revenue, create low paying jobs, and placate casino lobbyists. It’s also driving a rise in gambling addiction among people who can least afford to lose money.
According to a recent study by the Research Institute on Addictions at the University of Buffalo, the closer a casino is, the greater the risk a person will become addicted to gambling.
Approximately two million Americans are pathological gamblers, according to the National Council on Problem Gambling. An additional four to six million people say they experience problems related to their gambling.
Complusive gambling is associated with bankruptcy, foreclosure, spousal abuse, child neglect and crime.
Addicted gamblers cost the U.S. between $32 billion and $54 billion a year, according to Baylor University professor Earl Grinols.
Revenue from state run lotteries – now more than $20 billion annually – that is earmarked for things like education largely goes towards sustaining the lotteries themselves, including employee salaries, vendor commissions, prizes, overhead and most perniciously marketing.
Lotteries in the largest states spend hundreds-of-millions of dollars on advertising most of which is aimed at keeping “core” players buying tickets. Though they make up only 10 to 15 percent of lottery ticket buyers; compulsive players account 80 percent of sales.
Numerous studies have shown that poorer Americans are the biggest buyers of lottery tickets. Almost 40 percent of once-a-week players have an annual income of less than $25,000.
This fact is not lost on lottery officials who target their advertising at low income Americans with messages like “Change Your Life, Play the Lottery”.
Gambling may no longer be an easy source of cash for states and politicians or a sure fire way to spark economic growth.
Revenue declined in both Atlantic City and Las Vegas the last couple of years and the country’s largest casino, Foxwoods Resort in Connecticut, has been forced to renegotiate $2.3 billion of debt. Gambling revenue in Atlantic City alone dropped from a record $5.2 billion in 2006 to $3.3 billion last year, and a number of Indian casinos have been forced to close.
Let’s hope that the systematic government-sponsored exploitation of the poor and middle class has reached its limit.